William Pesek: Widodo rocks the boat in Indonesia - The president's response to the AirAsia disaster has been impressive

Indonesian President Joko Widodo updates media Tuesday on the crash of AirAsia Flight 8501.

In his run for president this year, Joko Widodo pledged greater openness and accountability in Indonesia. As his administration faces its first international crisis, the mysterious crash of an AirAsia jet, he’s proving to be a man of his word.

You can tell a lot about a nation from its response to great tragedy, whether it’s Japan’s 2011 Fukushima crisis, Malaysia’s lost Boeing 777 in March or South Korea’s deadly ferry accident in April. Mr. Widodo has performed admirably.

Since news broke Sunday that an Airbus A320 flying from Indonesia to Singapore had vanished with 162 people on board, Mr. Widodo has coordinated rescue efforts, demanded a review of air-safety regulations and called for timelier weather information. His government is giving steady updates, and Mr. Widodo has sought help from neighboring countries as well as China and the United States.

In contrast, last spring, Malaysia was widely criticized for the secrecy and paranoia that surrounded its search for a Malaysia Airlines flight that disappeared with 239 people aboard. Welcoming U.S. and Chinese military ships into Indonesia’s orbit speaks to Mr. Widodo’s confidence.

Mr. Widodo is the fifth president since dictator Suharto was ousted in 1998 but the first political outsider to run Southeast Asia’s biggest economy. Because he’s not a member of a dynastic family or the military, he isn’t beholden to vested interests looking to siphon the benefits of Indonesia’s 5 percent growth. That gives him latitude to dismantle the kleptocracy that Suharto built.

As governor of Jakarta, Mr. Widodo brought a surprising level of transparency. He moved budget-procurement and tax-collection processes online. He’s now working to make national government services electronic to reduce opportunities for graft and improve efficiency. Opening the process of granting licenses for infrastructure, mines and plantations alone would do much to clean up the political and business climate.

Indonesia’s aviation industry also has long cried out for greater oversight. It’s notorious for its regulatory laxity, a product of cronyism and institutional neglect.

The daylight Mr. Widodo wants to shine on the government is needed to ensure that scarce revenues are spent on education, health care and poverty programs.

The way Mr. Widodo has responded to Flight QZ8501 gives reason to hope that Indonesia will be prepared for whatever comes its way.

William Pesek is a columnist for Bloomberg View.

(Sources - http://www.post-gazette.com)

Presiden Jokowi Menghadiri Konvoksyen Anaknya di Singapura dengan Kapalterbang Kelas Ekonomi

“Ya (ekonomi). Enggak (VVIP). Ini pak Jokowi jadi pergi sebagai Joko Widodo, bukan presiden,” kata Sekretaris Kabinet Andi Widjajanto di Istana Negara, Jakarta, Kamis (20/11). seperti yang dimaklumkan kepada beritasatu.com 

Jokowi dan isterinya, Iriana dijadualkan akan berada di Singapura hingga Sabtu (22/11) pagi. 

Andi menjelaskan bahawa kehadiran Jokowi di Singapura adalah acara keluarga dan bersifat peribadi, beliau hanya membawa bersamanya pegawai pengiring dan penjaga keselamatan dalam jumlah yang kecil. Malahan semua kos lawatan tersebut dibiayai oleh beliau sendiri tanpa menggunakan wang kerajaan kecuali kos pegawai pengiring dan penjaga keselamatan beliau.

Di Singapura beliau masih belum membuat keputusan samada tinggal di hotel atau di wisma Kepresidenan. 

“Ini acara pribadi, menghadiri wisuda putranya di Singapura. Kaesang,” tambah Andi lagi.

Pihak kerajaan Singapura telah mengatur acara sambutan bukan kenegaraan untuk menyambut Jokowi dan Isteri sebaik sahaja tiba di Singapura.

“Pulang Sabtu, karena wisudanya jam setengah 10 malam kalau enggak salah,” lanjut Andi lagi.

Great expectations; Indonesian politics

Joko Widodo 

Indonesia's constitutional court has confirmed that Joko Widodo will be the next president. He faces daunting challenges

ON THE morning of August 26th Indonesia's president-elect went for a walk. In one sense this was nothing new: as mayor of Solo and governor of Jakarta, Joko Widodo (pictured), universally known as Jokowi, frequently talked to his constituents on unannounced visits. Unusually for an Indonesian politician, he seemed to enjoy speaking to and learning from ordinary Indonesians. 

But this was Jokowi's first walkabout since Indonesia's constitutional court had officially confirmed his victory on August 21st, rejecting allegations of massive fraud brought by his defeated rival, Prabowo Subianto. The court's ruling meant that Jokowi had unfamiliar company on his stroll: a large presidential security detail. His guards stayed close by as he ambled around a development site. One admitted: "Jokowi's style is new and very different. We are still trying to adapt to [his] character."

After a long and hard-fought campaign, Jokowi is at last preparing to govern. He will take office as Indonesia's second directly elected president on October 20th. His rival having been defeated (and having remained remarkably quiet despite a hint by his camp of possible violence if the ruling failed to go their way), Jokowi now turns to the much trickier task of placating allies, and of building a government as transformational as his candidacy.

In that sense, his electoral victory is less a happy ending than an uncertain beginning. At 53, Jokowi is relatively young and offers a very different approach to politics from that of the ruling elites, represented by Mr Prabowo. Jokowi is a carpenter's son who used to run his family's furniture business. He is neither from the army, nor is he an offspring of any of the country's ruling political dynasties. He is seen as uncorrupt. Unlike many Javanese politicians, he is approachable, informal and a big fan of heavy-metal music.

But in celebrating victory, his supporters should not forget that Jokowi nearly lost the fight, having slipped from a 30-point lead in the polls to a virtual tie. Mr Prabowo ran a masterful campaign, moderating his messages for different audiences and revelling in showmanship. Mr Prabowo's seven-party coalition controls a majority of seats in the national legislature, which means it could be difficult for Jokowi to pass bills.

Jokowi will have to be circumspect in handling his inner circle, too. Some analysts believe he will be overshadowed by his party's boss, Megawati Sukarnoputri, who was Indonesia's president in 2001-04; and by his running-mate, Jusuf Kalla, who served as vice-president during the first term of Indonesia's outgoing head of state, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Jokowi has denied rumours that he and Mr Kalla are already feuding over plans to streamline the cabinet.

Jokowi will have to take some difficult decisions quickly. Foremost among them is how to implement his pledge to trim the country's disastrous fuel subsidies. Indonesians enjoy some of the cheapest petrol in South-East Asia, but the perk eats up around one-fifth of the country's budget. This leaves little room for spending on Jokowi's ambitious plans to provide all Indonesians with free health care and 12 years of state-funded education. The budget deficit is approaching its legally mandated cap of 3%. If oil producers raise their prices or oil imports become more expensive because of a drop in the value of the rupiah (it fell to a four-year low against the dollar in 2013), the budget will be even more squeezed--though the deficit cap could provide political cover to trim the popular subsidies.

Jokowi will also need to wean Indonesia's economy off its dependence on resources, a task that Mr Yudhoyono felt no need to tackle in the fat years of his administration. Raw commodities such as coal, rubber and palm oil comprise the bulk of Indonesia's exports. They have helped to fuel a consumer boom. Retailers and consultants talk excitedly about the rapid emergence of a new middle class to rival India's, or even China's. Boston Consulting Group, for one, says that Indonesia is already home to 74m "middle-class and affluent" consumers and that the number will double by 2020.

But as demand from China has fallen, so has the total value of Indonesian exports: from $204 billion in 2011 to $183 billion in 2013. If trends from the first half of this year persist, the value will fall further still. Little has been done to restructure the economy to boost demand at home and move manufacturing up the value chain. Almost nothing has been done to fix the country's dilapidated ports, roads and electricity supply (see chart). According to the World Bank, goods take longer to reach their destination in Indonesia than almost anywhere else in Asia. A poor, and deteriorating, education system is causing a severe shortage of skills.

Indonesia's slowing growth is compounding these challenges. It fell from an average of 6.3% in 2010-12 to 5.8% in 2013, a four-year low. In June Indonesia's central bank predicted that this year's growth would be lower still, at less than 5.2%. That will be too low to provide employment for the millions of young people who enter the jobs market every year. Andry Asmoro, a senior economist at Bank Mandiri, the country's largest, says the demographic dividend "could be a demographic disaster".

Democracy's dividends

The departing Mr Yudhoyono has at least one feather in his cap. Hayono Isman, a legislator from the president's Democrat Party, says the fact that Mr Yudhoyono is preparing to leave office at all points to an important legacy: that he has "entrenched democracy". This is the first time in Indonesian history that a twice-elected president will hand power to a successor directly elected by the people. The country has come a long way since more than three decades of dictatorship under President Suharto ended in 1998. The election in July and its relatively trouble-free aftermath contrasts with democracy's regression in Thailand where the leader of a military coup, General Prayuth Chan-ocha, was appointed prime minister on August 21st by a legislature packed with his puppets. Government now changes hands in Indonesia, unlike in Singapore or Malaysia.

Under Mr Yudhoyono, the centralised Suharto state has been replaced by almost its opposite, a highly decentralised system of administration. The semi-autonomous province of Aceh at the far west of the archipelago provides a striking example. Of all Indonesia's cities, none has endured as baleful a recent history as Banda Aceh, the province's capital. The city is coming up to the tenth anniversary of the tsunami that flattened the former sultanate on Boxing Day, 2004, killing about 167,000 people in Banda Aceh and the surrounding province. Before then Aceh had been embroiled in an almost 30-year struggle for self-rule with the Indonesian government that left tens of thousands dead.

Yet today there are surprisingly few reminders of this tumultuous past. Banda Aceh has not only been rebuilt, but, as many locals are keen to emphasise, it is better than before. The army has gone. Many of the former Aceh guerrillas are now legislators of Partai Aceh, the dominant party in the local parliament. The city was helped by a massive influx of international aid money immediately after the tsunami. But it has since prospered without such handouts, buoyed by the rest of the country's rapid growth. The few physical reminders of Boxing Day 2004 survive only because they have been put to good use. One "tourist attraction" is a large fishing boat that was swept from its moorings onto the top of a house. "We are very opportunist," confesses one Acehnese.

Other local governments have not been granted quite as much autonomy as Aceh, but they have still benefited from what Indonesians call pemekaran: a "blossoming" of democracy. District heads, or bupati, now command their own budgets and control their local schools and hospitals. Several even run their own football teams, complete with imported foreignplayers. Some analysts say Indonesia owes its unity to pemekaran, for it has allowed the conservative Muslims of Aceh as much as the more easy-going Balinese to express their unique cultural identities while staying loyal to the Javanese-dominated central government in Jakarta.

A troubled legacy

Yet for all the country's new wealth and self-confidence, Mr Yudhoyono will still leave office largely unloved. The World Bank says that half the population still lives on less than $2 a day. Beyond the prospering city centres, poverty is still endemic. (In Aceh, maternal mortality rose from 2011 to 2012.) As in other fast-developing countries, wealth inequality in Indonesia has risen steeply.

Democracy and decentralisation have not proved panaceas. Central-government handouts and lax oversight of spending have fuelled corruption at the local level. Voters are often bribed. Matters are just as bad higher up. Having promised to root out corruption when he was first elected in 2004, and despite the jailing of many officials for graft, Mr Yudhoyono's administration, particularly in its second term, has been swamped by it.

Some say decentralisation has caused a grave decline in the rule of law. The writ of the central government now barely runs in some of the provinces, often with devastating consequences. Take deforestation--an important matter in what used to be one of the world's most forested and bio-diverse countries. After decades of unchecked illegal logging, often to clear land for palm-oil plantations, Mr Yudhoyono surprised many by bravely announcing in 2010 that he would impose a two-year moratorium on forest-clearing. He extended it last year for a further two years. But the problem has got even worse. A paper published in June by Nature Climate Change, an academic journal, said Indonesia had overtaken Brazil as the country with the world's highest rate of annual loss of primary, or old-growth, forest. Decentralisation could frustrate Jokowi, too. The big projects that are needed to revamp Indonesia's infrastructure will require a plethora of local approvals by people who may not agree with his plans.

Mr Yudhoyono was an instinctive consensus builder. Jokowi will have to show leadership, starting with the selection of his cabinet. He will need all his courage to stand up to lobbying from the political parties that supported him; he needs to pick on merit, and avoid any hint of corruption. As a candidate Jokowi offered the welcome prospect of change. As the man in charge, he must be as good as his word.

Opening Indonesia: A Conversation With Joko Widodo by Jonathan Tepperman

Joko Widodo, known universally as Jokowi. A former smalltown mayor from central Java, Jokowi first burst onto the national scene when he was elected governor of Jakarta in 2012. A populist and technocrat, Jokowi is neither rich nor wellborn; he dresses simply, is a self professed metalhead with a special fond- ness for Metallica, and worked in the family furniture business before entering politics. His wild popularity and rapid ascent from provincial unknown to the leader of the world's third-largest democracy have drawn comparisons to another president who spent part of his middle-class childhood in Indonesia: Barack Obama. 

But high expectations can be a curse as well as a blessing, and Jokowi faces huge challenges: endemic corruption, a once promising economy that has gone into a tailspin, and a lingering threat of Islamic extremism. 

In mid-September, he met with Foreign Affairs managing editor Jonathan Tepperman at his Jakarta residence for his first interview with an English-language publication since his election.

You just got through a very difficult campaign. The result was much closer than initially predicted, and there were a lot of rumors spread about you during the race: that you were Jewish, a Christian, ethnic Chinese, a communist, an American agent, etc. Then your opponent disputed the results. Has all that made this diverse country even more divided, and how can you reunite it?

It's true, yes, that the campaign was very ugly, very passionate. But this is normal in democracies, and I'm sure that the people here will now come together again. Maybe the elite can show the people how. I recently met with our competitor Hatta Rajasa [the opposing vice-presidential candidate], and people know that we are good friends. It's good to show people that after campaigning, we are friendly. It's also like that with Prabowo Subianto [the opposing presidential candidate].

When you form your cabinet, will you also bring people from different parties together to show national unity?

I'm willing to work with all parties to reform Indonesia.

In your previous two jobs, as mayor of Solo [also called Surakarta] and then governor of Jakarta, part of the key to your success was your use of blusukans: daily trips outside the office to meet with common people and hear their problems. Can you continue to use such personal politics as president of 250 million people spread across 13,000 islands?

In Solo and Jakarta, I always went to the people every day. I stayed in the office only one or two hours, where I signed, signed, signed. After that, I went to the market, I went to the riverbanks, I went to the slums, I went to the kampung [villages]. I asked people what they need, what they want. I can also do this for Indonesia. And we can use "e-blusukan," via Skype or teleconference. But for me, it's very important to face the people directly. That's something most presidents find difficult, as they get surrounded by advisers and security. But I have already tried. I'm sure I can manage. 

You're the first Indonesian president with no ties to the Suharto regime. You represent a new generation. What does that say about Indonesia and about the kind of president you'll be?

The fact that someone like me could become president shows that our democracy is maturing. We have a lively and independent media. We used social media in our campaign and had more than 3,000 groups of volunteers. This is a new political system. We are taking a human centric approach to win the trust of the people.

Will the fact that you never had any stars on your shoulders or were married to the daughter of Suharto [as Prabowo, an ex-general, was] allow you more freedom?

That's right. For me, democracy must deliver a better life for the people.

Have previous Indonesian governments not done a good job at that?

No. They had the budget, but in my opinion, they didn't have the system to deliver it to the people. But we, for example, used a [smart-card] system in Solo and Jakarta to deliver support directly to the people. Now I want to develop an Indonesian smart card. That would deliver healthcare and education subsidies directly to the people, 

without giving officials a chance to steal money along the way?

Right. From the budget, we send funds directly to the people. It's very simple. Indonesia has a great many advantages, from enormous natural resources to a young population. For most of the last decade, it was one of the fastest-growing economies in the world, 

but starting a few years ago, the economy began a sharp decline. What went wrong, and how will you address it?

I think of how to win the trust not only of the people but also of investors. If we have good trust, I think the economy is not a problem. [In the past,] we have always made promises [to investors], but in fact there was no delivery. Many foreign companies feel like they've been unfairly discriminated against in legal and criminal prosecutions. That's done a lot to damage investor confidence here. So has the fact that regulations aren't applied and enforced in a predictable way.I met the other day with investors from the U.S., from Russia, from Japan, from [South] Korea. They asked about democratic reform and business permits. They asked about land acquisition problems. And I have experience there. When I was the mayor of Solo and governor of Jakarta, we had what we called a one-stop service office. In the past, when you asked for a business permit, they sometimes delivered it in six months, sometimes one year, sometimes two years. But now the maximum is around 30, 35 days.

So will you do that on a national level?

Yes. We will copy it and bring the process to regions [throughout Indonesia]. Because we already have the system here, we can ask local governors and mayors to copy it. That will make the bureaucratic side better. 

But what will you do to give confidence to foreign investors that they will be treated more fairly here?

I can invite them to the offices and show them that this is how to get a business permit, that it's very easy, like this, like this, like this.

Won't Indonesia's devolution of power to its many regions make this more difficult?

No, because 85 percent of their budgets come from the central government. So for me, it's very easy.

Can you control how that money is spent?

Yes. We can use e-budgeting, e-audits. Already in Jakarta, we use an [electronic] task-management system. So it's very easy to control. We can check the money that goes in and the money that goes out. Fuel subsidies eat up a huge amount of the government budget. 

You recently met with the outgoing president [Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono] to press him on the issue, but he refused to raise prices. How do you plan to deal with the problem? 

We currently spend around $30 billion a year on fuel subsidies. Next year, the total for all subsidies will be around $43 billion; that represents around 20 percent of the [total budget]. I want to cut subsidies gradually over three years and to focus funds on productive activities: infrastructure that will help farmers, like irrigation, and fertilizer, or fuel for fishermen. We also want to concentrate on railway infrastructure and deep-sea ports. It's very important, because when we have sea transportation and a railway not only in Java but also in Sumatra, in Kalimantan, in Sulawesi, in Papua-I'm sure the cost of the transportation will decrease here. Now it's more than 15 percent of the cost of doing business, whereas normally it is less than seven percent. So here it's double. 

How much do you plan to invest in such projects? 

We want to concentrate on seaports and railways. If we can, we will use our national budget. But if not, I will seek investors, especially for the ports. Many investors are very interested in this project.

What will you do to ensure that cutting fuel subsidies doesn't hurt poor people?

We will create what we call an Indonesian smart card that can be used for education, and [help them in other ways].

What will you do to combat the threat of political Islam and to preserve Indonesia's reputation for tolerance?

Indonesia is the world's third-largest democracy. And we also have the world's largest Muslim population. This demonstrates that democracy and Islam are not incompatible. Terrorism is not associated with any religion. 

But there are forces in Indonesia, including the Prosperous Justice Party and groups like the Islamic Defenders Front, that push for a much more aggressive, Saudi-style Islam. What will you do to ensure that the country stays moderate? 

To deal with radicalism and extremism, we need to deal with economic inequality. This is what I learned from my experience in Solo and then in Jakarta. And I think if our government does more to empower the people, then I'm sure that we can decrease radicalism and extremism. This is what the people here want. 

Will you bring the Islamic parties into your government?

We will talk to everyone.

Can Indonesia serve as a model for other Muslim countries struggling with such problems?

Yes. We have good experience. Here we combine the military approach with the soft approach. We have programs to inform people that this is right and this is wrong.

You're talking about education on the true nature of Islam?

Education for students, yes, but dialogue with the people is also very important. Indonesia has been very successful in combating terrorism over the last decade.

But ISIS [the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham] has recently attracted several hundred Indonesians to go and fight in Syria and Iraq. What is the state of the terrorist threat in Indonesia today, and what is your plan for dealing with it?

We must work closely with moderate Islamic organizations. And I will look to balance the prevention side with the law enforcement side of counter terrorism. We have more than 20 years' experience with this problem.

And how serious is the threat of terrorism today?

I think it's more or less declining.

Corruption is one of the hardest problems for any government to address, but it's a particularly big problem here. How will you succeed in fighting it?

I will continue to support the work and maintain the independence of our Corruption Eradication Commission. But first and more important, we need to introduce bureaucratic reforms and consistently monitor the problem. We must check consistently, every day, every week, every month, because this can change our bureaucratic culture. For example, in Jakarta, we have a new system for when you want to get an id card here. Before, it took two weeks, three weeks; now, only one day. And my objective is only one hour. Step by step. As for building permits, before it sometimes took six months, eight months, two years. Now, I gave my bureaucracy here the goal of only two weeks, using an online system. You can ask for the permit from your office, from your house. And we can copy this system in other provinces. 

What are your top foreign policy priorities?  For example, you talked during your campaign about opening an Indonesian embassy in Palestine, and you traveled to Saudi Arabia for a haj just a few days before the election. Do you plan to get more involved in the Middle East? 

You've also talked about turning Indonesia into "a great maritime nation." Indonesia will remain open for business, and foreign participation is especially welcome in sectors such as infrastructure, industry, and manufacturing. 

I will also push initiatives to strengthen our competitiveness in the global market. And there are five or six million Indonesians working abroad; we also need to increase protection for them. 

Many of your neighbors are seeking a greater U.S. military, economic, and diplomatic relationship to balance the rise of China. Does Indonesia want a greater U.S. presence here? 

Both China and the U.S. are close friends of Indonesia, and we welcome their interest in our region. Indonesia is open. We will work with all major powers through strategic partnerships. As for the South China Sea problem, I think we can play the role of an honest broker.

What is the most important thing you want outsiders to know about your new government and Indonesia? 

We're open. We're open to all countries for investment. And when I talk about developing Indonesia into a great maritime nation, it is not just about defense only, but it's also about trade, tourism, fishing, and transportation. So that means that now we need investors from all countries to build our infrastructure, to build our economy. For me, economic growth is very important, to give our people jobs and a better life

Program Tol Laut Presiden Jokowi di Indonesia.

Ir H. Joko Widodo, Presiden Indonesia 

Program Tol Laut adalah program yang terintegrasi, bukan hanya pembangunan pelabuhan saja, tapi skup-nya amat luas, mulai dari membangun jaringan rel kereta, menyiapkan armada angkatan truk dan bus, juga percepatan wilayah yang bisa dijadikan industri, jadi ini persoalan mulai dari titik pesisir sampai mendalam ke daratan.

Sementara pengembangan industri juga harus bertanggungjawab terhadap lingkungan, menghidupkan ekonomi secara organik di tengah masyarakat, sehingga masyarakat bisa tumbuh dalam ekonomi yang sehat, mobilitas tinggi dan mampu mengembangkan kualitas hidupnya.

Kepadatan penduduk di Jawa akan dipecahkan bila wilayah-wilayah kantung ekonomi dibangun secara merata di luar Jawa terutama wilayah Indonesia timur. Pusat-pusat dagang dibangun, pertanian diperluas diversifikasinya, perikanan ditingkatkan penghasilannya dan pelabuhan-pelabuhan ramai lalu lintas kontainer berisi barang-barang bisa disebar secara merata sehingga pasar-pasar hidup, ekonomi berputar cepat.

Percepatan ekonomi bangsa kita harus dialektis dengan irama percepatan ekonomi internasional, baik di kawasan ASEAN atau lebih luas lagi seperti Asia Pasifik dan Ekonomi Dunia. Agenda Tol Laut adalah jawaban pertama percepatan pertumbuhan itu.

Dalam diplomasi dunia internasional saya mengungkapkan hal ini, konflik-konflik antar negara di kawasan akan selesai dengan sendirinya bila ada semangat saling pengertian, semangat untuk saling menguntungkan di antara negara-negara. Dan kita bisa hidup dengan bahasa Ko-Eksistensi, saling mengakui dan menghormati keberadaan masing-masing dalam pergaulan dunia internasional.

(Sumber - https://www.facebook.com/IrHJokoWidodo?fref=nf)

Senarai Kabinet Jokowi Presiden Indonesia

Kabinet yang diberi nama Kabinet Kerja menyenaraikan 34 kementerian dan empat kementerian koordinator. - Sumber FB Jokowi

KUALA LUMPUR: Presiden Indonesia, Joko Widodo, telah mengumumkan barisan kabinet beliau hari ini di Istana Negara, Jakarta.

Kabinet yang diberi nama ‘Kabinet Kerja’ menyenaraikan 34 kementerian dan empat kementerian koordinator.

Pengumuman ini telah dibuat lapan hari lebih awal daripada 14 hari yang ditetapkan oleh undang-undang republik itu.

Jokowi, yang ditemani oleh Naib Presiden, Jusuf Kalla (JK), turut berkata, penyusunan kabinet telah dilakukan dengan berhati-hati dan cermat kerana calon yang dipilih akan berkhidmat selamat lima tahun.

“Kami ingin mendapatkan calon yang sesuai dan bersih. Pemilihan dilakukan bersama Suruhanjaya Pencegah Rasuah Indonesia (KPK) dan Pusat Pelaporan dan Analisis Transaksi Keuangan (PPATK).

“Mereka yang dipilih mempunyai kepakaran di dalam bidang yang dipertanggungjawabkan,” kata beliau.

Pembentukan Kabinet Kerja Jokowi-JK menyaksikan kaum wanita dipilih memegang lapan daripada 34 portfolio kementerian (23%) di Indonesia.

Antaranya Menteri Koordinator Pembangunan Manusia dan Kebudayaan dipegang oleh Puan Maharani, yang juga merupakan anak kepada mantan Presiden Megawati Soekarnoputri.

Rini M Seomarno juga telah dipilih untuk menjadi Menteri Badan Usaha Milik Negara. Menteri Luar pula dipegang oleh Retno Lestari Priansari Marsudi.

Pemilihan Rini sebagai menteri di dalam cabinet Jokowi mungkin akan menimbulkan tanda tanya kerana beliau pernah disoal siasat oleh KPK dalam sebuah kes rasuah yang melibatkan Bank Indonesia tahun lalu.

Berikut adalah senarai penuh Kabinet Kerja Jokowi-JK 2014-2019:

1. Menteri Sekretariat Negara: Pratikno
2. Ketua Perancangan Perbadanan Nasional: Andrinof Chaniago
3. Menteri Koordinator Maritim: Indroyono Soesilo
4. Menteri Pengangkitan: Ignasius Jonan
5. Menteri Kelautan dan Perikanan: Susi Pudjiastuti
6. Menteri Pelancongan: Arief Yahya
7. Menteri Tenaga dan Hasil Bumi: Sudirman Said
8. Menteri Koordinator Politik, Undang-undang dan Keamanan: Tedjo Edy Purdjianto
9. Menteri Dalam Negeri: Tjahjo Kumolo
10. Menteri Luar Negeri: Retno Lestari Priansari Marsudi
11. Menteri Pertahanan: Ryamizard Ryacudu
12. Menteri Undang-undang dan Hak Asasi Manusia: Yasonna H Laoly
13. Menteri Komunikasi dan Maklumat: Rudiantara
14. Menteri Kerjaraya: Yuddy Chrisnandi
15. Menteri Ekonomi: Sofyan Djalil
16. Menteri Kewangan: Bambang Brodjonegoro
17. Menteri Badan Usaha Milik Negara: Rini M Soemarno
18. Menteri Koperasi dan Industri Kecil Sederhana: Anak Agung Gede Ngurah Puspayoga
19. Menteri Perindustrian: Saleh Husin
20. Menteri Perdagangan: Rahmat Gobel
21. Menteri Pertanian: Amran Sulaiman
22. Menteri Sumber Manusia: Hanif Dhakiri
23. Menteri Pekerjaan Umum dan Perumahan Rakyat: Basuki Hadimuljono
24. Menteri Perhutanan dan Alam Sekitar: Siti Nurbaya
25. Menteri Pertanian dan Agrikultur: Ferry Mursyidan Baldan
26. Menteri Koordinator Pembangunan Manusia dan Kebudayaan: Puan Maharani
27. Menteri Agama: Lukman Hakim Saifuddin
28. Menteri Kesihatan: Nila F Moeloek
29. Menteri Sosial: Khofifah Indar Parawansa
30. Menteri Pembangunan Wanita dan Perlindungan Kanak-kanak: Yohana Yambise
31. Menteri Kebudayaan dan Pelajaran: Anies Baswedan
32. Menteri Penyelidikan, Teknologi dan Pendidikan Tinggi: M Nasir
33. Menteri Belia dan Sukan: Imam Nahrawi
34. Menteri Pembanguna Luar Bandar dan Perpindahan: Marwan Jafar

Read more at:http://www.astroawani.com/news/show/presiden-indonesia-jokowi-umum-kabinet-kerja-2014-2019-47042?cp

(Sumber - Facebook Jokowi)

The six labours of Jokowi

Joko Widodo - A former furniture salesman, Metallica lover, and wearer of Napalm Death t-shirts

1. Deal with parliament

Jokowi's rival, Prabowo Subianto, has tried to thwart the president-elect before he begins by signing 62 per cent of the Indonesian parliamentary numbers to a so-called "permanent coalition" in opposition. Even if this disintegrates as most observers expect, Jokowi will still need to deal with a change-averse parliament that ANU academic Steven Sherlock describes as a set of fiefdoms desiring payoffs. And he must do it without getting his hands dirty.

2. Appoint ministers

Jokowi performed an act of radical transparency on Thursday night by putting names of proposed cabinet members on Facebook and asking for public input. Will he use ministries to reward loyalty or buy parliamentary support? He's inexperienced and needs good ministers. Will he choose campaign backers? Technocrats? He's made no promises but how long can he remain pure?

3. Bureaucratic corruption

Most transactions involving the Indonesian government - from application for licences to tenders for public works - involve payoffs to bureaucratic or political gatekeepers. The culture includes the police and the courts, which makes redress uncertain. Tax office corruption cripples revenue collection. It's the biggest drag on Indonesia's future.

4. Human capital

Indonesia is approaching a "demographic dividend", a boom in the proportion of people of working age. But its schools are substandard, its teachers low paid and poorly trained. Its health system is improving but has far to go. Millions have no access to potable water. Without improving Indonesia's human capital, the boom in numbers of young workers may become a liability.

5. Infrastructure

With crumbling roads, inefficient sea ports and airports, poor infrastructure knocks 3 per cent off Indonesia's annual growth rate. Jakarta's traffic congestion alone cuts it by 0.6 per cent. The Yudhoyono government wanted $160 billion in new spending by 2015, but a fraction of that is committed and planned, and corruption makes private partners reluctant to commit.

6. The budget

Only 12 per cent of Indonesians pay tax and its tax take is a world's worst practice 11.7 per cent of GDP. Of this tiny income, 25 to 30 per cent is spent subsidising the price of fuel. Too much of the rest goes in corruption and mismanagement. Jokowi must reduce the energy subsidy and increase the tax take so the government can afford to supply basic public services.

"DI BAWAH KEHENDAK RAKYAT DAN KONSTITUSI” - Ir H Joko Widodo

Ir H Joko Widodo - Presiden Indonesia

JAKARTA, 20 OKTOBER 2014

Assalamu’alaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh,
Salam Damai Sejahtera untuk kita semua,
Om Swastiastu,
Namo Buddhaya

Yang saya hormati, para Pimpinan dan seluruh anggota MPR,
Yang saya hormati, Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia,
Yang saya hormati, Bapak Prof Dr. BJ Habibie, Presiden Republik Indonesia ke 3, Ibu Megawati Soekarnoputri, Presiden Republik Indonesia ke-5, Bapak Try Sutrisno, Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia ke-6, Bapak Hamzah Haz, Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia ke-9, Yang saya hormati, Bapak Prof. Dr. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono Presiden Republik Indonesia ke-6, Bapak Prof Dr Boediono, Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia ke-11, Yang saya hormati, ibu Shinta Nuriyah Abdurrahman Wahid,
Yang saya hormati, rekan dan sahabat baik saya, Bapak Prabowo Subianto. Yang saya hormati Bapak Hatta Rajasa
Yang saya hormati, para pimpinan lembaga-lembaga tinggi negara,
Yang saya hormati dan saya muliakan, kepala negara dan pemerintahan serta utusan khusus dari negara-negara sahabat,
Para tamu, undangan yang saya hormati,
Saudara-saudara sebangsa, setanah air,

Hadirin yang saya muliakan,

Baru saja kami mengucapkan sumpah, sumpah itu memiliki makna spritual yang dalam, yang menegaskan komitmen untuk bekerja keras mencapai kehendak kita bersama sebagai bangsa yang besar.

Kini saatnya, kita menyatukan hati dan tangan. Kini saatnya, bersama-sama melanjutkan ujian sejarah berikutnya yang maha berat, yakni mencapai dan mewujudkan Indonesia yang berdaulat di bidang politik, berdikari di bidang ekonomi dan berkepribadian dalam kebudayaan.

Saya yakin tugas sejarah yang berat itu akan bisa kita pikul bersama dengan persatuan, gotong royong dan kerja keras. Persatuan dan gotong royong adalah syarat bagi kita untuk menjadi bangsa besar. Kita tidak akan pernah besar jika terjebak dalam keterbelahan dan keterpecahan. Dan, kita tidak pernah betul-betul merdeka tanpa kerja keras.

Pemerintahan yang saya pimpin akan bekerja untuk memastikan setiap rakyat di seluruh pelosok tanah air, merasakan kehadiran pelayanan pemerintahan. Saya juga mengajak seluruh lembaga Negara untuk bekerja dengan semangat yang sama dalam menjalankan tugas dan fungsinya masing-masing. Saya yakin, Negara ini akan semakin kuat dan berwibawa jika semua lembaga negara bekerja memanggul mandat yang telah diberikan oleh Konstitusi.

Kepada para nelayan, buruh, petani, pedagang bakso, pedagang asongan, sopir, akademisi, guru, TNI, POLRI, pengusaha dan kalangan profesional, saya menyerukan untuk bekerja keras, bahu membahu, bergotong rotong. Inilah, momen sejarah bagi kita semua untuk bergerak bersama untuk bekerja…bekerja… dan bekerja.
Kita juga ingin hadir di antara bangsa-bangsa dengan kehormatan, dengan martabat, dengan harga diri. Kita ingin menjadi bangsa yang bisa menyusun peradabannya sendiri. Bangsa besar yang kreatif yang bisa ikut menyumbangkan keluhuran bagi peradaban global.

Kita harus bekerja dengan sekeras-kerasnya untuk mengembalikan Indonesia sebagai negara maritim. Samudra, laut, selat dan teluk adalah masa depan peradaban kita. Kita telah terlalu lama memunggungi laut, memunggungi samudra, memunggungi selat dan teluk.

Kini saatnya kita mengembalikan semuanya sehingga Jalesveva Jayamahe, di Laut justru kita jaya, sebagai semboyan nenek moyang kita di masa lalu, bisa kembali membahana.

Saudara-saudara sebangsa dan setanah air,

Kerja besar membangun bangsa tidak mungkin dilakukan sendiri oleh Presiden, Wakil Presiden ataupun jajaran Pemerintahan yang saya pimpin, tetapi membutuhkan topangan kekuatan kolektif yang merupakan kesatuan seluruh bangsa.

Lima tahun ke depan menjadi momentum pertaruhan kita sebagai bangsa merdeka. Oleh sebab itu, kerja, kerja, dan kerja adalah yang utama. Saya yakin, dengan kerja keras dan gotong royong, kita akan akan mampu melindungi segenap bangsa Indonesia dan seluruh tumpah darah Indonesia, meningkatkan kesejahteraan umum, mencerdaskan kehidupan bangsa, dan ikut melaksanakan ketertiban dunia yang berdasarkan kemerdekaan, perdamaian abadi, dan keadilan sosial.

Saudara-saudara sebangsa dan setanah air…
Atas nama rakyat dan pemerintah Indonesia, saya mengucapkan terima kasih dan penghargaan yang sebesar-besarnya kepada Yang Mulia kepala negara dan pemerintahan serta utusan khusus dari negara-negara sahabat.

Saya ingin menegaskan, di bawah pemerintahan saya, Indonesia sebagai negara demokrasi terbesar ketiga dengan penduduk Muslim terbesar di dunia, sebagai negara kepulauan, dan sebagai negara terbesar di Asia Tenggara, akan terus menjalankan politik luar negeri bebas-aktif, yang diabdikan untuk kepentingan nasional, dan ikut serta dalam menciptakan ketertiban dunia berdasarkan kemerdekaan, perdamaian abadi dan keadilan sosial.

Pada kesempatan yang bersejarah ini, perkenankan saya, atas nama pribadi, atas nama Wakil Presiden Muhammad Jusuf Kalla dan atas nama bangsa Indonesia menyampaikan terima kasih dan penghargaan kepada Bapak Prof. Dr. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Bapak Prof. Dr. Boediono yang telah memimpin penyelenggaraan pemerintahan selama lima tahun terakhir.

Hadirian yang saya muliakan,

Mengakhiri pidato ini, saya mengajak saudara-saudara sebangsa dan setanah air untuk mengingat satu hal yang pernah disampaikan oleh Presiden Pertama Republik Indonesia, Bung Karno, bahwa untuk membangun Indonesia menjadi negara besar, negara kuat, negara makmur, negara damai, kita harus memiliki jiwa cakrawarti samudera; jiwa pelaut yang berani mengarungi gelombang dan hempasan ombak yang menggulung.

Sebagai nahkoda yang dipercaya oleh rakyat, saya mengajak semua warga bangsa untuk naik ke atas kapal Republik Indonesia dan berlayar bersama menuju Indonesia Raya. Kita akan kembangkan layar yang kuat. Kita akan hadapi semua badai dan gelombang samudera dengan kekuatan kita sendiri. Saya akan berdiri di bawah kehendak rakyat dan Konstitusi. Semoga Tuhan Yang Maha Esa senantiasa merestui upaya kita bersama.

Merdeka !!!
Wassalamu’alaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh
Semoga Tuhan memberkati,
Om Shanti Shanti Shanti Om,
Namo Buddhaya

Photo Credit : Ferdinan/Detik.Com