Situation of Electric Vehicle in Malaysia before GE 15.

Compared to other ASEAN countries, Malaysia introduced policies supporting EVs relatively early. Malaysia’s policy supports EVs due to a set of mixed motives, including environmental, energy, and industrial policy considerations. EV support was put on the political agenda when the country launched its National Green Technology Policy in 2009. This policy rests on four pillars, representing energy, environmental, economic, and social considerations. This indicates that EV support is regarded as a part of a larger transformation towards a sustainable economy and society. As such, the transformation cuts across various political areas, and Malaysia set up Greentech Malaysia, a subsidiary organisation under the Ministry of Energy, Green Technology and Water, to promote this process according to the aims of the national policy.

Concerning EV use in Malaysia, the government later formulated the following goals (Greentech Malaysia, undated): until 2020, 100,000 passenger EVs, 2,000 bus EVs, and 100,000 electric scooters or motorcycles should be on national roads. In order to support the adoption of EVs, the government further aimed at installing 120,000 charging stations. Officially, BEVs are regarded as full EVs but HEVs and PHEVs as partial EVs (ibid). However, there is no information as to how partial EV types will be counted towards the 100,000 unit target. However, reaching this target will be difficult as less than 120 BEVs were registered by 2016. Further, it needs to be pointed out that the charging station target number includes the charging points of private PHEV and BEV owners as the government only wants to install 25,000 stations across the nation (The Sun Daily, 2016). 

Recently, news reports quoted Maximus Ongkili, Minister of Energy, Green Technology, and Water, that the goals, including a moderate increase to 125,000 charging stations, should be realised by 2030 (Clean Malaysia, 2017). As of December 2018, there were a total of 251 publicly accessible charging stations in Malaysia, suggesting that the minister’s revision was a de facto acknowledgement that the infrastructure goal cannot be realised until 2020. Whilst press statements are currently not reflected in policy documents, the 2030 timeframe appears more realistic.

Regarding EV policy measures, Malaysia exempted HEVs and PHEVs with internal combustion engines below a 2L engine capacity from import tax and granted a 50% lower excise duty from 2011 to 2013. Whilst this measure provided consumer incentives, subsequent policies served industrial aims. The National Automotive Policy (NAP) of 2014 supports EV production but, nevertheless, cannot be labelled as a dedicated EV policy. Rather, NAP aims to promote what it calls eco-efficient vehicles (EEVs). The government’s definition of EEV is broad, i.e. it includes fuel-efficient ICEVs, HEVs, PHEVs, and BEVs, as well as ones using alternative fuels (biodiesel, CNG, LPG, ethanol, and hydrogen (for both combustion engines and fuel cells)). Further, the initial policy declaration stated that EEVs would be specified via fuel efficiency and carbon emissions. 

Concerning the latter, a subsequent publication (MITI, 2014b) stated that emission criteria would only be applied after the Euro 4M11 fuel quality standard is introduced. After this step, a government study with stakeholder participation would investigate how this standard could be implemented. Subsequently, the level of carbon emissions would become a second parameter defining EEVs. In the meantime, EEVs are specified through fuel efficiency criteria. Regarding this indicator, the government has defined fuel efficiency parameters for different vehicle segments (Table 1).

Table 1: Eco-efficient Vehicle Specifications via Fuel Efficiency

The NAP provided several incentives for OEMs and parts producers to locate manufacturing activities related to EVs in Malaysia (MITI, 2014). First, Malaysia exempted domestically assembled HEVs and PHEVs from all duties and taxes until the end of 2015, and BEVs even until the end of 2017. Second, the country extended the use of existing policy tools, namely Pioneer Status (PS) and Investment Tax Allowance (ITA), to hybrid and electric vehicles.12 PS with full tax exemption is granted for 10 years and 100% ITA within 5 years. Moreover, grants are available for related customised training and R&D as well as exemption from excise duty for locally assembled or manufactured cars. 

Similar to the promotion of conventional vehicle components, the producers of components critical for electric and hybrid vehicles – electric motors, electric air conditioning, electric batteries, battery management systems, air compressors, and inverters, as defined by the Malaysian authorities – can choose between PS or ITA with the aforementioned benefits. The impact of EV policies must be described as limited at the time of writing. Regarding BEV adoption, there are fewer than 120 of these vehicles registered in Malaysia. Turning to production, some OEMs have taken advantage of the provided incentives and located CKD assembly in Malaysia: Honda started to assemble the Jazz Hybrid (HEV) in 2012, Nissan the Serena S Hybrid (HEV) in 2014, Toyota the Camry Hybrid (HEV), and Daimler commenced assembly of the Mercedes-Benz S400 L Hybrid (HEV) in 2014, and added the C350e (PHEV) and E350e (PHEV) in 2016 and 2017, respectively.

It is noteworthy that Malaysia’s two national carmakers, Proton and Perodua, did not display strong support for EV development and commercialisation. Whilst Proton announced that it would sell BEVs from 2014 and showcased a prototype EV version of its Iriz minicar in 2015, this plan was never realised (Hamid, 2016). Only after the recent partnership with Geely does Proton appear to be able to manufacture BEVs based on Geely’s electric powertrain technology. Perodua, whose vehicle line-up consists of mini and small cars, stated that it does not plan to produce EVs (Saieed, 2017). Regarding the negative stance towards EVs, Perodua stated that the Malaysian charging infrastructure was insufficient to support EVs and that the firm intends to focus on improving ICEV technology. As Perodua heavily relies on Daihatsu for vehicle technology, this stance cannot be surprising because Daihatsu is also only offering a few HEV models.

Overall, despite the mixed motives for EV support, measures aimed at consumers have been phased out and those for producers were sustained for a longer period. Therefore, it may be concluded that policy is mainly motivated by industrial policy with environmental undertones. Malaysia did not create a dedicated EV policy programme but supports all emission-reducing technologies. Subsuming EVs under general automotive sector policy in such a way appears to have the drawback whereby issues such as charging infrastructure have been addressed in planning but not in policy implementation. Malaysian policy towards EVs has only been mildly successful in attracting manufacturing activities but largely a failure in consumer adaption. As most manufacturing is only assembly, the effectiveness of policy appears limited. Moreover, the key question is whether EV assembly will remain in Malaysia after the incentives are removed. 

Vehicle-to-Grid Definition

V2G technology can be defined as a system in which there is capability of controllable, bi-directional electrical energy flow between a vehicle and the electrical grid. The electrical energy flows from the grid to the vehicle in order to charge the battery. It flows in the other direction when the grid requires the energy, for example, to provide peaking power or “spinning reserves.” It should be noted that this is the way V2G would work if a vehicle had such capability, but there are currently no original equipment manufacturer (OEM) vehicles available to the general public with V2G in the United States.Studies indicate that vehicles are not in use for active transportation up to 95% of the time (Letendre and Denholm 2006) and the underlying premise for V2G is that during these times, the battery can be utilized to service electricity markets without compromising its primary transportation function. Subsets of V2G technology include vehicle-to-home (V2H; when the electric vehicle is at a residence) or vehicleto-building (V2B; when the electric vehicle is at a commercial building). In these cases, the battery power is used to supplement the local building electrical load without transfer to the electrical grid. Note that this still effectively displaces building load from the grid, which effectually provides a load-shed function. Alternatively, if there is a power outage from the grid, this permits emergency backup power to continue building processes

My Story: Justice in the Wilderness

My Story: Justice in the Wilderness (Cerita Saya: Keadilan di Belantara) ialah sebuah buku autobiografi Malaysia 2021 ditulis oleh bekas Peguam Negara, Tommy Thomas. Buku ini memperincikan mengenai kehidupan dan kerjaya Tommy termasuk pelantikannya sebagai Peguam Negara dan isu-isu yang berkaitan dengannya. Buku ini mencetuskan pelbagai kontroversi kerana isi kandungannya disifatkan berbaur hasutan dan mengandungi unsur penghinaan kepada institusi kehakiman negara. Ekoran ini, beberapa pertubuhan bukan kerajaan dan pihak berkuasa tempatan serta individu berkenaan mahu tindakan tegas diambil agar buku ini ditarik balik atau diharamkan dari pasaran. Meskipun berdepan dengan kontroversi, buku ini telah tersenarai antara buku paling terlaris di laman web Amazon.com

Ringkasan

My Story: Justice in the Wilderness ditulis oleh Tommy Thomas dan diterbitkan oleh Gerakbudaya melalui kecetaknya, Strategic Information and Research Development Centre (syarikat strategik dan pembangunan penyelidikan) pada 30 Januari 2021.[2] Ia dicetak dengan kulit keras serta mempunyai kod ISBN (International Standard Book Number, Nombor Buku Piawai Antarabangsa) 978-967-246-418-1.

Buku ini mempunyai 573 muka surat, antara lain memaparkan kisah kejayaan dan kegagalan sewaktu pemerintahan kerajaan Pakatan Harapan daripada perspektifnya.[2] Dalam memoirnya, Tommy membincangkan keputusan penting yang dibuatnya, termasuk pendakwaan terhadap bekas Perdana Menteri Najib Razak, Jho Low, Arul Kanda dan syarikat kewangan A.S., Goldman Sachs atas peranan mereka dalam skandal 1Malaysia Development Berhad. Ia turut memperincikan orang dalam pertama oleh pegawai kanan kerajaan Pakatan Harapan mengenai pencapaian, kekecewaan dan kegagalan pentadbiran bukan Barisan pertama dalam sejarah 60 tahun kemerdekaan Malaysia.

Kontroversi

Tidak lama selepas ia dikeluarkan, pada awal Februari 2021, My Story: Justice in the Wilderness telah menjadi subjek kontroversi dan kecaman daripada pelbagai pihak. Sebanyak tujuh laporan polis telah dibuat terhadap Tommy Thomas di seluruh negara susulan penerbitan buku My Story: Justice in the Wilderness.Presiden Parti Makkal Sakti Malaysia Datuk Seri R.S. Thanenthiran mendakwa memoir Tommy dianggap sebagai bukti terdapat konspirasi untuk menjatuhkan bekas Perdana Menteri, Najib Razak sebelum ini selain dakwaan fitnah Tommy terhadap Polis Diraja Malaysia (PDRM) dan Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia (SPRM) dengan mengatakan Jho Low merasuah mereka. Thomas menerusi penulisannya dalam bukunya turut menyatakan bahawa Jho telah memainkan satu peranan tunggal dalam skandal 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) dan SRC International Sdn. Bhd. (SRC).[3] PDRM telah menerima sebanyak 134 laporan polis dan telah membuka tiga kertas siasatan berkaitan dengan isi kandungan buku Justice in the Wilderness yang didakwa telah memfitnah dan menghina pelbagai pihak.

Pengarah JSJ Bukit Aman, Datuk Huzir Mohamed menyatakan siasatan dilakukan oleh Unit Siasatan Jenayah Terklasifikasi Bukit Aman dan akan dilakukan secara terperinci sebelum mana-mana pihak, termasuk Thomas, dipanggil untuk memberi keterangan.Antara individu yang membuat laporan polis terhadap Thomas ialah bekas Peguam Negara Tan Sri Mohamed Apandi Ali dan bekas peguam negara III Datuk Mohamad Hanafiah Zakaria.Polis Johor telah menerima 16 laporan daripada pelbagai pihak susulan memoir Tommy yang didakwa mengandungi fakta tidak tepat selain bentuk hinaan dan fitnah. Gerakbudaya, syarikat yang menerbitkan memoir Tommy, mengesahkan telah memberi keterangan kepada polis berhubung siasatan buku terbitannya yang didakwa berunsur hasutan, penghinaan dan fitnah. Pengasas Gerakbudaya, Chong Ton Sin dalam satu temuramah bersama Utusan Malaysia berkata, keterangannya dirakam selama hampir sejam di pejabat syarikat itu di Petaling Jaya, Selangor. Katanya: “Beberapa pegawai dan anggota polis dipercayai dari Bukit Aman telah hadir ke pejabat kami. Mereka rakam keterangan saya untuk bantu siasatan kes buku itu,”.

Ketua Penerangan UMNO, Shahril Sufian Hamdan menyifatkan pandangan dan tuduhan yang dinyatakan oleh Tan Sri Tommy di dalam memoirnya dianggap sebagai satu penghinaan kepada institusi Peguam Negara. Beliau turut mendakwa Tommy dilihat telah menghina dan menyalahkan pelbagai pihak di dalam tulisannya itu termasuk Perdana Menteri Malaysia kedua iaitu Tun Abdul Razak Hussein yang dianggap sebagai dalang utama peristiwa 13 Mei 1969.[10] Peguam Negara, Idrus Harun mengatakan bahawa buku Tan Sri Tommy telah menimbulkan reaksi dari banyak pihak yang mempersoalkan kecekapan dan kebolehpercayaan peguam yang bekerjasama dengan Dewan. "Buku ini memberi kesan negatif kepada orang luar dan telah mempengaruhi semangat dan semangat peguam. Saya percaya bahawa buku itu menghina institusi undang-undang," katanya dalam surat dalaman bertarikh 4 Februari untuk kakitangan Jabatan Peguam Negara.

Gerakan Pembela Ummah (UMMAH) menyarankan Kementerian Dalam Negeri (KDN) agar mengharamkan My Story: Justice In The Wilderness sekiranya didapati ia sengaja diterbitkan dengan niat menyebarkan fakta tidak benar dan mencetuskan kekacauan. Menurut Pengerusi UMMAH, Mohd Zai Mustafa, Tan Sri Tommy perlu disiasat dan didakwa kerana telah mengaitkan Yang di-Pertuan Agong di dalam bukunya ini.[12] Turut menyarankan pengharaman buku ini ialah Pemuda UMNO Johor. Ketua Pemuda UMNO Johor, Mohd. Hairi Mad Shah menggesa kerajaan agar mengharamkan buku Tan Sri Tommy kerana memesongkan fakta sejarah negara selain turut mengandungi dakwaan dan tuduhan yang tidak sepatutnya dikeluarkan oleh seorang bekas Peguam Negara. Menurutnya, kebanyakan isi kandungan buku tersebut bersifat prejudis dan tidak beretika.

Bekas menteri Kabinet, Tan Sri Rafidah Aziz berpendirian bahawa memoir Tan Sri Tommy ialah pandangan peribadi beliau. Menurut beliau, tiada pihak yang berhak untuk mengharamkan buku berkenaan atau memaksa melihat sesuatu itu mengikut sudut pandang pembaca, penganalisis atau pengulas, malah berpendapat setiap orang mempunyai pandangan berbeza termasuk Tommy namun, itu tidak memberi seseorang itu hak untuk mengharamkan buku berkenaan.Kementerian Dalam Negeri (KDN) mempertimbangkan cadangan untuk mengharamkan buku My Story daripada edaran di pasaran dan penelitian oleh Bahagian Penguatkuasaan dan Kawalan.

Jualan dan sambutan

Meskipun kontroversi yang menyelubungi penerbitan My Story: Justice in the Wilderness, buku ini mendapat sambutan di laman web Amazon.com apabila edisi kindle buku ini melonjak ke tempat kedua jualan terlaris bagi kategori Biografi Peguam dan Hakim sekaligus mengatasi autobiografi Naib Presiden Amerika Syarikat, Kamala Harris, Kamala Harris: An American Life yang berada di tempat ke-10. Bagi kategori Keluaran Baharu Biografi Peguam dan Hakim, ia kekal berada di tempat pertama manakala autobiografi Harris berada di tempat kedua.

Ulasan kritis

My Story: Justice in the Wilderness menerima ulasan positif daripada pengkritik buku. Menulis untuk Astro Awani, Dr. Azlinariah Abdullah dalam ulasan retrospektifnya mengenai buku ini berpendapat bahawa ia menjadi perakam sejarah dan peradaban negara, dan berkata: "Melalui jenis penulisan bersifat memoir - yang ada dalam My Story: Justice in the Wilderness - kita dihidangkan dengan hal menarik yang dilalui individu tertentu. Pengalaman individu tersebut dimanfaat dan dikongsi bersama untuk menambahkan ilmu kita. Persoalan sama ada memoir itu baik, buruk, benar atau sebaliknya adalah sesuatu persoalan yang relatif, kerana pada akhirnya, pembaca akan memberi tafsirannya". R. Nadeswaran dari Malaysiakini pula menyifatkan buku ini "memberikan gambaran yang mengganggu mengenai peristiwa itu dan apa yang menyebabkan Thomas didapati bersalah menghina mahkamah" sambil menambah "walaupun beberapa usaha dilakukan untuk mengenal pasti dan menganiaya pelaku pada masa lalu, tiada yang menyakitkan seperti yang dilakukan Thomas dalam bukunya".

Menulis untuk ruangannya di The Malaysian Insider, Presiden Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim menyifatkan Justice in the Wilderness ialah "sisi gelap" memoir Tommy yang tidak bersifat peribadi sambil menjelaskan "buku yang sarat dengan stereotaip, dan kita harus menelaahnya dengan prinsip skeptisisme yang tinggi" dan menambah: "Kita juga tidak boleh mengesampingkan fakta bahawa buku [ini] adalah kisahnya, dan meski kita akan terus berdebat dan membantah kandungan buku tersebut, tetapi ia adalah haknya untuk menceritakan seperti mana yang dia mahukan".Bekas Presiden Badan Peguam Malaysia, Datuk Yeo Yang Poh dalam ruangannya di The Edge Markets beranggapan bahawa buku ini ialah sejenis "bawang ungu" yang "kulitnya boleh dikupas oleh pembaca" dan berpendapat: "Autobiografi Thomas tidak berkhutbah. Namun, dari penceritaannya mengenai pelaksanaan tugas-tugas penting yang diamanahkan kepadanya, benang umum berjalan melalui usaha gigih yang terlibat dalam mencapai apa yang dia dapati, setelah pertimbangan yang teliti, menjadi perkara yang tepat untuk dilakukan; mengabaikan faktor-faktor yang tidak relevan dan kepentingannya sendiri, atau sebarang batu bata yang diramalkan akan datang".

(Sumber - https://ms.wikipedia.org/wiki/My_Story:_Justice_in_the_Wilderness)